Indie VS Corporate

Analysis and discussion of a major corporate company and an independent company in the music industry.
The essay documents the history of both organisations, and compares the economic and creative advantages and disadvantages of each company’s resources.


This essay looks at two organisations from the music industry: one an independent record company (Factory Records), the other a large corporate record company (EMI). It explores two ends of the spectrum of the record industry using the examples given, to highlight their differences, but also their similarities. Specifically, the essay will provide a comprehensive history of each example and look at the economic and creative advantages and disadvantages that each possesses.

EMI has been around for much longer than Factory was (EMI began in 1897, Factory in 1978), and EMI is still a hugely successful business, whereas Factory closed its doors for good in 1992. It can be immediately concluded that EMI has been more successful, and that it has more of a history. The purpose of this essay is not, however, to say which company is better or worse, or made more or less money, but to raise questions and investigate reasons for the economical and creative success (and failure) of each.

Thus, the scope of this essay is not large enough to look into every occurrence in the history of EMI’s 100 year reign at the top of the music industry, or Factory’s 15 years as a small independent in a corporate time, but will aim to highlight and discuss the most important happenings throughout their history. In particular, this essay focuses on the advantages and disadvantages that are afforded companies of either means, both in terms of creativity and economics.

There are many inherent differences between small and large businesses, and these are no different in the record industry. A simple way for a small business to know that they have made it is when the bigger companies feel pressured by the smaller, and tend to buy them out, in order to quash any further competition,

‘...the rationale for acquisitions and mergers has been that a well-managed company should take over a weaker rival marketer of competing or complementary products in order to achieve higher growth and savings in operating, managing and marketing costs.’[1]

Smaller companies tend to be able to focus on the creative pursuits of artists with less emphasis on the bottom line, whereas in contrast, larger labels are almost entirely driven by the profit margins and will recruit / attract artists with a view to exploiting their art for financial gain. This and many other differences become apparent when comparing two strikingly different organisations. These are discussed later in the essay.

The money behind large businesses enables them to function in a certain way, in some cases as a big fish eating up the smaller fishes to make themselves stronger and more powerful. In EMI’s case, acquisitions have always been a great part of their business plan, without which they would not have been able to dominate the music industry for as long as they have. Kennedy and McNutty discuss the issue of small labels being acquired by larger companies:

‘Nearly all independent labels created before 1970 have since closed or have been acquired by larger entertainment companies. Music company takeovers and the rise of international conglomerates in the past quarter-century make it nearly impossible for a tiny label to take a regional (American) music style and reach a broad audience. Small labels, however, continue to influence the musical landscape.’[2]

Small businesses are more dynamic, more adaptable, but also more susceptible, to market changes. And in Factory’s case, the philosophy driving the company is able to be the driving force for what it produces. Whether this causes success or failure is identified and discussed later in the essay.

EMI

In the UK, in 1897, the invention of the gramophone heralded the launch of the Gramophone Company, who produced shellac pressed records, who, along with Columbia Graphophone, who produced wax cylinders, make up what we know today as EMI. The two were in competition with each other until the Great Depression in the early 30s, which caused them to join forces and form Electric and Musical Industries (EMI). Before this merger, the two record companies competed for the production and sales of mainly classical and operatic styles music.

By the 1950s, EMI were looking to America for popular artists, and came across a young man named Elvis Presley, who was signed to RCA Victor and Columbia Records. EMI were the licensee for RCA, so were able to release Elvis’ early hits on their pop label HMV. This was obviously a lucrative deal for the imprint, but unfortunately the license only lasted until 1957. With the license coming to an end with RCA and Columbia, EMI needed to find some more artists in the US, so it purchased Capitol Records, signed to which were the likes of Nat King Cole, Frank Sinatra, and Dean Martin.

Back in the UK, EMI’s roster was growing in stature and was leading the UK pop explosion of the late 50s. In 1958, Cliff Richard released his hit ‘Move It’ on EMI, which began the trend of rock and roll into the 60s. In the early 60s, EMI’s Parlophone label signed a Liverpudlian band called The Beatles, which led to a complete shift in UK pop music. Their second release, ‘Please Please Me’, went to no. 2 in the charts. In the US, The Beatles also stormed the charts and created a massive stir.

The Beatles’ visionary manager, Brian Epstein, brought more Liverpool-based acts to EMI, including Gerry and the Pacemakers and Cilla Black, creating a wave called ‘Merseybeat’. Throughout the early 60s, EMI artists held top spots in the UK charts most of the time.

In the USA, the Beach Boys, who would become one of America’s most successful bands, signed to Capitol Records and EMI reaped the benefits. To increase their hold with US music, EMI cut a deal to distribute Motown’s releases outside of the US. This included greats such as Marvin Gaye, Stevie Wonder, Diana Ross and the Supremes, the Jackson 5, and the Temptations.

By now there was little of the music industry that EMI hadn’t penetrated at some point. In the late 60s, progressive rock bands became popular, and bands like Deep Purple, ELO and Pink Floyd joined EMI’s ever-expanding list of acts. Pink Floyd’s ‘Dark Side of the Moon’ album stayed on the Billboard album chart for a groundbreaking 741 weeks (6 years), and is still regarded by some as one of the most influential and popular albums of all time.

In 1977, Queen signed to EMI, releasing Bohemian Rhapsody, a single that would stay at no. 1 for a very long time, as well as set a standard for the music video era. The Rolling Stones also signed that year, but left a few years later (they would return to EMI later with the absorption of Virgin).

During the 70s, EMI expanded their music publishing arm, acquiring the best publishers both in UK and US. The purchase of Screen Gems and Colgems libraries gave EMI a good footing in the film music industry. In 1979, EMI purchased the US label Liberty / United Artists which included the Blue Note label, which was the biggest and most respected jazz label with artists such as Miles Davis and Thelonius Monk on the books.

By the 80s, a new form of music, Heavy metal, was becoming popular. Led Zeppelin and Deep Purple were at the forefront of this movement, as well as Iron Maiden, who signed to EMI and began a long and successful career, still actively touring and recording to this day. Electronic music also became popular at this time, and EMI signed German electronica masters Kraftwerk to the label, who became the first German band to top UK charts.

The 80s proved a challenging, yet profitable, decade for EMI, with their production of the new format of CDs beginning in 1983. They also extended their reach into the music publishing industry with the acquisition of SBK Entertainment World, who owned the rights to ‘Singin’ in the Rain’ and the ‘Wizard of Oz’, and later in 1990, Filmtrax. Other acquisitions in the 80s included the likes of 50% of Chrysalis, whose repertoire included Jethro Tull, Blondie, Spandau Ballet and Sinead O’Connor. The other 50% was bought out in 1990.

Around this time, writing in the Popular Music journal, Dave Laing talks of EMI and their impact in the music industry:

‘For many years, EMI has been regarded as a sleeping giant of the record industry. It has had a steady cash flow thanks to The Beatles and its ownership of labels like Liberty-United Artists which has Fats Domino’s recordings...’[3]

In 1992, EMI bought Virgin Music Group, who were then the largest independent record label in the world. Their artists included Janet Jackson, Peter Gabriel, Smashing Pumpkins, Massive Attack, as well as a welcome returning band, the Rolling Stones. Other artists on EMI’s books in the 90s were Blur, Radiohead, the Spice Girls, Robbie Williams and the Chemical Brothers.

In 1994, EMI acquired 50% of Jobete Music Publishing’s catalogue, which included 15,000 Motown songs. Two years later they acquired Priority Records, a huge urban music label with the likes of Dr Dre, Snoop Dogg, and Ice Cube on their roster.

With their continual expansion into more and more genres of music and more and more countries, creating more and more wealth, EMI set up their Music Sound Foundation, a music charity to help children, teachers and parents get better access to learning and working with music.

Today, some look at the purchasing of CDs as passé, and the digital world that is so pervasive to most people’s lives reaches into the consumption of music. EMI, in 1998, streamed the first album over the internet – Massive Attack’s ‘Mezzanine’. The following year, EMI presented the first digitally downloadable album in the form of David Bowie’s ‘...Hours’. Another landmark in the digital world for EMI is being the first major record company to make its music available digitally without DRM (digital rights management) software. By 2010, EMI expect to make a quarter of their revenue from digital sales.

Owing to a decline in sales (declaring a loss of £260m over the year 2006/7), Terra Firma, a large private equity firm, took control of EMI in August 2007, for £3.2bn. Guy Hands, the new owner of EMI, announced that EMI would be making severe staff cuts during 2008, to reduce operating costs. A number of big artists left the label, most likely in protest of the takeover. These included the likes of Paul McCartney and Radiohead.

EMI has always made money by selling hit records to the public, because ‘...hits are in the first place popular records, but in the second place they are commercial.’[4] Without producing hit records, EMI would need to find alternative ways to make their money. In today’s digital age, where EMI, along with all large record companies, are striving to combat the trend of illegal downloading of music that has had such a huge impact on the industry, a new way of selling hit records needs to be discovered. No answer has yet presented itself to the industry, but they have the greatest minds working on solutions to the problem. It is likely that these solutions will be driven by the consumer / user, perhaps in a social context, following the peer-to-peer model that is used in illegal downloading, or perhaps a subscription-based model.

The apparent economic advantages that EMI have over smaller companies are those that are obvious in any large company: the finances to support decisions made by employees. Huge budgets are made available to take on emerging artists, but more importantly, to purchase smaller record labels (and their catalogues) that have / had brilliant artists signed to them.

Tempting artists away from their smaller (or even similar-sized) label can be done by offering larger sums of money. Robbie Williams’ 2002 contract extension with EMI was the biggest ever deal in the UK, worth £80m over 4 albums. ‘The deal means EMI will take an unusually high share of profit from touring, publishing profits and merchandise - areas where the artists themselves usually make more money’[5].

The examples given of the deals that EMI have made to absorb / acquire smaller labels, or the rights to their catalogues, shows the power of a large corporation in competition. The greater the catalogue or number of artists signed to the imprint, the more sales will be generated. It is not just sales that will be boosted, but the accessibility to creativity. EMI have an advantage over smaller labels in terms of the creative side of things because they have strength in numbers – they are able to harness a powerful array of talent across a vast range of genres.

Another creative advantage that larger labels (EMI included) have over smaller labels is the huge advances that they can afford to pay their artists to make music and do that as a full time job. Artists with smaller or independent companies may have to work another full time or part time job to make enough money to survive, let alone feed their need to create music.

Having the history in pop music that EMI does, it is not surprising the amount of artists that strive to get on the books. Their pioneering of early pop music through artists such as Cliff Richard and The Beatles set a standard for what is now taken for granted in the industry, and acts the world over aspire to the success that EMI brought to those artists.

The success that EMI has given to artists over the years can be viewed by some as detrimental to the art of making music. Artists can forfeit their own talent in order to make a hit record and money for the company. ‘Selling out’ is common in pop music, and many talented individuals or bands have been manufactured into a marketable product, simply to make themselves and the company money.

EMI, like most, if not all, large companies, is driven by the bottom line. If their artists do not make money, then there are repercussions: bands can be dropped; employees backing the bands can be fired etc. It is therefore in the company’s best interest to be risk-averse. Taking risks on music acts can be dangerous. It can be profitable too, but the risks need to be measured.

Factory Records

Tony Wilson, ‘a man seemingly perpetually at odds with the battle between his own intellect and a continual tendency to undermine himself’[6], a local TV presenter for Granada who had his own TV show called ‘So It Goes’ that showcased new musical talent, was also founder of Factory Records along with a team of other unlikely candidates. Getting played or mentioned on his show was seen as a breakthrough for artists.

In Manchester, in 1978, Tony Wilson, with his passion for, knowledge of, and connections in the music industry, teamed up with Alan Erasmus, an actor and band manager, to run a night at a club called the Russell Club. Bands such as The Durutti Column, A Certain Ratio, Cabaret Voltaire, and Joy Division all played at the club and were managed by Wilson and Erasmus. The bands that were associated with the club were all from around Manchester, and were keen to differentiate their unique sound from those produced in London. Rob Gretton, the manager of wunderkind band Joy Division, was a driving force behind this movement. Joy Division are one band that stand out from the pack of bands ‘discovered’ by Wilson, not because of their short life (front-man Ian Curtis killed himself less than 2 years into their career at the age of 21), later to be incarnated as New Order, but because of their incomparable sound and talent. Curtis himself was influenced heavily by the likes of David Bowie and Lou Reed, but Joy Division’s style and sound went beyond what the norm was for the time.

The talent and unique Manchester sound encouraged Wilson and Erasmus to release an EP (A Factory Sample, 1978) on their own record label which they had dubbed Factory Records. Each product that Factory produced was given a number (from the aforementioned EP: FAC 1, to when Tony Wilson died in 2007, and his coffin was branded with FAC 501). Other bands that were on the Factory Record label early on were James and Orchestral Manoeuvres in the Dark (OMD). OMD were one of the first bands that Factory made money on – they released a record and started a bidding war between Virgin and Phonogram, and made £10,000 signing them to Phonogram.

Wilson and Erasmus wanted to make Factory a different kind of record company, different from the corporate world of the late 70s, where the large record labels ruled the airwaves. Their manifesto of signing a band to the Factory imprint was that "The musicians own everything. The company owns nothing..." The label did not own the band or their productions. They would pay for the recordings made and the artists would split the profits 50/50 and were able to leave when they pleased. These deals were unheard of in the music industry, where labels would contract acts for a number of albums or years, paying royalties made on the sales of those records. Factory was different. As Mick Middles states:

‘It is not the greatest label in the world, nor the most artistically sussed, and it is certainly not the most commercially aware. Its overall roster has been rather fat and cumbersome; it has been hip and unhip, trendy and hackneyed. It has always, however, retained a wholly idiosyncratic identity. It has always been Factory.’[7]

Before Factory Records, independent record labels were there to release records of new artists acting as the A&R for the major record labels. Major labels would hear the bands on independents and then sign them, paying the independent a sort of ‘finder’s fee’. In a BBC documentary on Factory Records, Tony Wilson talks about the inception of the Factory manifesto and change it inadvertently had on the UK music industry:

‘What people don’t realise is that independent distribution is a way to get your band recognised and signed to a major. The fulcrum moment in the history of British independent record companies came when Rob Gretton said, “Why don’t we do our first record with you, before we go to Warner Bros [Genetic]?” ...that was the moment when British independent record companies became ‘real companies’, when the idea was to stay with your label and not sign to some major.’[8]

Along with Wilson and Erasmus was producing genius, Martin Hannett, and talented graphic designer, Peter Saville. With this team, the record company functioned out of Erasmus’ small home on Palatine Road in Manchester. Following a surprisingly successful Factory Records mixed EP, came the first Factory LP: Joy Division’s ‘Unknown Pleasures’. Made with an investment of £23,000 from Wilson, it was Factory’s first real ‘contractless’ contract with a band. The deal was 50/50, like the Factory Sample EP and the publishing came out of Factory’s 50%. Mick Middles talks of the downsides of releasing of an album with an independent like Factory,

‘Releasing your own album rather lacks the power of going with a major. The record doesn’t, for example, instantly materialise on record racks across the country, to be accompanied by displays, hoardings and television advertising. That kind of magic, so alluring to any young band, would be missing.’[9]

Martin Hannett, the producer behind Joy Division’s Unknown Pleasures, was seen as one of the best in the industry, owing to his, if somewhat eccentric and unusual, techniques and vision. Tony Wilson remembers Hannett’s prowess in Mick Middles’ book:

‘Martin was particularly interested in echo and digital delay and that the essential concept of what you do as a producer is to take all the sounds into your mixing desk, strip these sounds to their perfect, naked form and then you, the producer, start creating imaginary rooms for each sound. That is how Martin saw it. He had a really visual sense that most people just don’t have... he could see sound, shape it and rebuild it.’[10]

The advantage that the genius of Hannett gave to the label, although he did walk out a few times and leave it all behind, was that he was a visionary in a new era of music. His understanding of sound brought the digital time of music to the fore and Joy Division were able to pioneer the sound, taking them to market.

‘Unknown Pleasures’ was hugely successful and was followed soon after by ‘Closer’, Joy Division’s second release, which was released shortly after Curtis’ suicide, and included the popular single ‘Love Will Tear Us Apart’ which made the top 20.

After Curtis’ death, Joy Division changed their name to New Order who, along with Wilson and Erasmus, set up a club in Manchester called the Hacienda / FAC51. The club was the vision of Rob Gretton, Joy Division / New Order’s manager, and was an outlet for Factory’s bands, as well a venue for wider talent: Madonna played her first UK gig there in 1984, for TV show ‘The Tube’ before she made it big. The success of the club was unfortunately fraught with financial problems related to low ticket and bar prices (both associated with their ethos of being different to the mainstream). The club was hugely popular, because of the acts and the music played there and also the cheap entry and bar prices. It was mainly down to sales from New Order’s records that kept the club afloat.

During the mid-80s, when the decision was made to raise prices on the bar, very little difference was noticed, owing to the fact that the drug ecstasy was gaining popularity and was being taken instead of drinking alcohol.

A band named the Happy Mondays, were at the forefront of the emergence of a new drug-fuelled culture called ‘Rave’, in the mid-80s. They were ‘signed’ to Factory by Wilson following a battle-of-the-bands at the Hacienda (in which they came last), and became a resident band at the club, driving the new music and drug-addled dance culture, coined ‘Madchester’. Resident DJs Mike Pickering, Graeme Park, and Dave Haslam added to this scene with their playing of ‘acid house’ music at the Hacienda. Towards the 90s it became a club known for its crazy nights which were stimulated by drugs, especially ecstasy and psychedelic drugs like acid and LSD.

Even though the club was riddled with drugs, it was full every night and was making a healthy profit. But by 1991, violence inside and outside the club, caused by rival gangs trying to gain control of the drug market, made the Hacienda a very dangerous place to be. Factory and New Order were forced to close the club for safety reasons. It was able to reopen with new security measures in place and continued to be a breeding ground for up-and-coming acts in Manchester and for the dance scene to evolve for the next six years, but closed its doors for good in 1997.

By the 90s, many British cities had more or less accepted the fact that they were competing on a now ‘global’ stage and ‘futures depended on attracting and generating new investments and new business through an openness to private sector cooperation and partnership; new planning flexibility; local tax and funding incentives.’[11] The regeneration of a city like Manchester, which took place in the early to mid 90s, was in many cases, driven by its cultural and creative industries. Factory, indirectly, and inadvertently, some might say, can be credited with helping with the regeneration of run down areas of Manchester through the early 90s. Writing about this, Giacomo Botta talks about the scene in Manchester as,

‘Developing a fascination for the dilapidated city centre, using run down factories as rehearsal rooms or gig venues. This fascination grew into entrepreneurialism with the Hacienda FAC 51... An urban cluster formed, as new clubs, record stores, and small shops opened in the same area, while the club became famous all over the world.’[12]

The areas which were most run down and decrepit were those such as the Northern Quarter, where Factory Records set up shop and opened the Hacienda which were at the forefront of the regeneration. The popularity / infamy of the Hacienda spread throughout the world, as Dave Haslam states,

‘As the Hacienda became known as one of the best clubs in Europe, and bands like The Smiths and then the Stone Roses emerged, the Manchester scene featured on the front of Newsweek magazine in America and multiple issues of NME and the Face. This was 1989, 1990. Politicians, investors and developers probably are not readers of these magazines, but still word reached them that the music made in Manchester and the club culture, particularly the Hacienda, was of international quality. Manchester was on the map.’[13]

So, the area became a hotbed for development of shops and cafes that played on their proximity and affinity with the club. Despite its bad press and occasional violence, the city council of Manchester were pleased to have the Hacienda as a cultural centre that was acknowledged worldwide. But by 1997, the trouble with drug dealers and violence associated with the club meant it had to be shut down for good.

Factory Records’ major earners in the late 80s to early 90s were The Happy Mondays and New Order, but getting them to make records in the party environment was a hard task. Shaun Ryder, the front-man of the Happy Mondays was plagued by addiction to heroin. Factory paid for the Happy Mondays to go to Jamaica to record their fourth album, ‘Yes, Please’, as the island was clean of heroin. What they didn’t look into was the fact that Jamaica was the crack capital of the world, so with the lack of heroin, Shaun Ryder became addicted to that instead. After a month in the Caribbean, The Happy Mondays returned with very little in the way of recordings. At the same time, New Order went to Ibiza to record their next album, but returned similarly, £400,000 later, with a rusty recording of their album ‘Republic’.

By 1992, Factory Records was on the downturn, with the productions of New Order and Happy Monday’s albums creating a real dent in the funds. Talks began with London Records, a label that was owned by British Decca. London / Decca were bought by Polygram in 1979, which enabled the label to take the form of an independent subsidiary of Polygram, hence the interest of Factory Records. Unfortunately, London Records found out that Factory had not signed contracts with their artists and in fact the catalogue of songs belonged to each artist and in fact, Factory were worth nothing. This moment is reflected in a meeting between London and Factory described by Mick Middles:

‘The thing is that when we heard that you didn’t have any contracts, we weren’t that concerned. You may not own the bands, but you always have the back catalogue, unless of course you have a piece of paper that states “...the musicians own everything and we own nothing!”’[14]

This piece of paper refers to the ‘contract’ that Wilson and Erasmus wrote up when Joy Division joined the ranks, which some say was written in Wilson’s blood. This realisation stopped any deal going forth, and Factory Communications Ltd was forced to declare bankruptcy in November 1992.

The Happy Mondays and New Order then joined London Records, which was soon to be acquired by Warner Music Group.

The advantages and disadvantages of Factory Records’ economics and creativity seem quite clear. Their financial decisions did not seem to follow any conventional model used in the music industry. Obviously the creativity of the bands that ‘signed’ to Factory was left to blossom of its own accord, without any real nurturing or force towards a particular sound. This was an attractive offer to many talented bands that would be able to record an album, split any profits with the label, but stay free from any binds that would tie them into that label for a number of years. Tony Wilson sees the Factory deal as the ‘best deal given to any musicians in history – to this day’[15].

The financial gambles taken by the label were huge: Tony Wilson putting up the money for Joy Division’s first album, without any insurance for returns, New Order’s purchase of the Hacienda club, where Factory committed itself to ‘placing the comparative ‘low art’ of rock music in such stylish, hugely expensive and wholly innovative packaging,’ was financially risky. But Tony Wilson, and the label, thrived on this risk. Factory’s brand name carried a lot of weight, as did the Hacienda. Any business would be glad to have the brand awareness advantages that Factory had.

Aside from a few cases, e.g. James and Orchestral Manoeuvres in the Dark, who recorded with Factory then left for another label, this approach seemed a successful model for Factory. Joy Division / New Order and the Happy Mondays stayed with Factory, owing to the philosophy surrounding the label, as well as the great 50/50 deals they had, and made a number of successful albums. Unfortunately, this philosophy would be the label’s downfall too. Had they made contracts for the catalogues of their bands, London / Polygram would have bought them out, leading to profits for all the stakeholders.

Lack of control of a band is something that is generally avoided in the music industry, owing to the volatile nature of many artists in the industry. Because of their talent, musicians can often turn to drugs and alcohol to escape their lives, and without a controlling force, i.e. a record label that acts as a type of parent, it could be said that musicians can go off the rails. On the other hand, a laissez-faire attitude from a label gives acts the freedom for utmost creativity that could otherwise be hindered by an imprint with too much involvement. The latter is what Factory did well, but the former occurred too with cases like the Happy Mondays.

Creativity of artists, no matter what medium, is often quashed by the pressures of commercial success. Without the latter, in many cases the former cannot continue, but the latter also requires the former. It is a vicious cycle. Simon Frith discusses the dilemma that faces art and commerce in pop music: ‘The artist, the innovator, tends to see him/herself in opposition to the industry as a commercial enterprise which appears to be continually pressuring the artist to produce new marketable products.’[16]

The two examples given in this essay illustrate starkly the two ends of the spectrum of the music industry. The main objectives of each may differ: EMI to make money; and Factory to allow talented artists to make music; but at the heart of both is the aim to deliver the wonderful art of music to a general public. For an artist signed to EMI, the pressures from the label to create a product that will sell is of utmost importance, but with Factory, took away any of these pressures, and the artist was free to produce what their creativity led them to.

The histories of the two examples in this essay tell two fundamentally different stories:

Looking at EMI’s history, it tells a tale of an ever-expanding conglomerate that swallows up financially weaker and smaller, but creatively more powerful labels, to add elements of diversity to its books. This in turn boosts the company’s profits as the range of music released is wider and therefore a wider audience is gained. The talent that was signed to the EMI was of the very upper echelons of popular (and less popular) music and the label has sat in the top five labels in the music industry for over a century. A number of bands that have joined or been forced to join (through acquisitions) EMI’s have produced some of the most famous, popular and brilliant albums known to date, and EMI, along with the artists, have reaped their benefits.

The story of Factory records is one of the fight for creative expression and rebellion against a corporate-ruled industry; albeit a badly managed and financially unsound one. The label, like many small independent labels, began with a mission to put exciting, new and creatively brilliant music from a certain area out to the public, with very little emphasis on making a profit. Its bands were, if nothing else, different, and in some cases unstable. This would inevitably cause a company concern, but Factory rolled with the punches and stuck by their philosophy, in the face of a world where their source of income, 50% of their bands’ sales, could be taken away at any moment with the band being poached by a potentially more financially attractive deal from a major label.

Ultimately, the label failed and had to succumb to being swallowed by a larger company (London Records, who were later acquired by a larger company still), but were able to keep some of the values and personality that made it what it was.

Even though there was ultimately no money made, where the deal with Polygram / London Records fell through, Tony Wilson stands by the philosophy of Factory and states that ‘I wouldn’t change anything. I think that the idea that we had this innocence belief that the musicians should own everything, it was their work. It was a wonderful innocence to have.’[17]

As to which company I would rather work for, I would have to choose Factory Records. The reasons for this choice would not be financially driven, but based on the label’s philosophy enabling creativity to flow freely and providing an opportunity to those talented artists who could not abide by the restrictive boundaries that are imposed by large corporate organisations. If I wanted to make money, however, I would choose EMI...!

[1] Doole, I., & Lowe, R., International Marketing Strategy (3rd Ed.), London, Thomson Learning, 2001

[2] Kennedy, R., and McNutt, R., Little Labels – Big Sound: Small Record Companies and the Rise of American Music, Indiana University Press, 1999

[3] Laing, D., The Big Gets Bigger, Popular Music, Vol. 8, Issue 2, Cambridge University Press, 1989

[4] Frith, S., Popular Music: Critical Concepts in Media and Cultural Studies, Routledge, 2004

[5] Robbie signs ‘£80m’ deal, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/entertainment/music/2291605.stm, 02/10/2002

[6] Kennedy, J., Joy Division and the Making of Unknown Pleasures, Unanimous Ltd, 2006

[7] Middles, M., From Joy Division to New Order: The true story of Anthony H Wilson and Factory Records, Virgin Books, 1996

[8] Wilson, A., in Factory: Manchester, from Joy Division to Happy Mondays, BBC, http://www.bbc.co.uk/musictv/factory/video/

[9] Middles, M., From Joy Division to New Order: The true story of Anthony H Wilson and Factory Records, Virgin Books, 1996

[10] Tony Wilson in Middles, M., From Joy Division to New Order: The true story of Anthony H Wilson and Factory Records, Virgin Books, 1996

[11] Brown, A., O’Connor, J., and Cohen, S., Local Music Policies Within A Global Music Industry: Cultural Quarters In Manchester And Sheffield, 2000, in Shrinking Cities, 2004

[12] Botta, G., Pop Music, Cultural Sensibilities and Places: Manchester 1976-1997, Department of Social policy, University of Helsinki, published as a paper for ESF-LiU Conference “Cities and Media: Cultural Perspectives on urban Identities in a Medatized World”, Vadstena 25-29 October 2006, www.ep.liu.se/ecp/020

[13] Haslam, D., Manchester, England, Shrinking Cities, 2004

[14] Polygram spokesperson in a meeting with Factory, in Middles, M., From Joy Division to New Order: The true story of Anthony H Wilson and Factory Records, Virgin Books, 1996

[15] Wilson, A., in Factory: Manchester, from Joy Division to Happy Mondays, BBC, http://www.bbc.co.uk/musictv/factory/video/

[16] Frith, S., Popular Music: Critical Concepts in Media and Cultural Studies, Routledge, 2004

[17] Wilson, A., in Factory: Manchester, from Joy Division to Happy Mondays, BBC, http://www.bbc.co.uk/musictv/factory/video/

Surf Culture: Is the Subculture of Surfing the Product of Consumption or Lifestyle Choice?

The surfing lifestyle really lends itself to the very fringe of society – it’s such a free-and-easy lifestyle, and it has so much to do with individual freedom – an almost irresponsible kind of freedom. Surfers are edge-riders. We’ve made a decision to live on the fringe of society and not be active citizens and participants in society, unless we want to. The act of going surfing is a very selfish endeavour. It’s an experience that has nothing to do with anything except you and the ocean, period.[1]

From centuries-old paintings depicting royal Polynesian watermen riding waves, to the multi-million pound clothing and accessories market and Association of Surfing Professionals World Championship Tour today, surfing has been an influential element of many people’s lives for generations. Surfing as a leisure activity derived from the ancient Polynesian royalty who would spend time by the sea and surf waves for fun. It became popular throughout the western world in the 20th century when spending time by the sea became fashionable, particularly during the 1940s and 50s.

There are many important aspects of surfing that are heavily documented that will not be described in detail in this essay. The following elements of surfing – Polynesian roots and artefacts; Hawaiian dominance; Professionalism in surfing; Life Saving Clubs; Journalism; Movies; Music; Photography; Female Participation – will not be covered in depth despite their massive cultural impacts on surfing. This essay will briefly examine them and their history in order to appreciate and discuss their effects. To maintain focus, this essay will look at the early progression of the culture of surfing in the USA (Hawaii and California), and especially Australia, where particular attention will be paid to that surrounding the evolution of the surfboard in the late 1960s and its impact on the culture and emergence of subcultures, forming what we can call ‘modern surfing’.

Culture is defined by Raymond Williams as ‘a particular way of life which expresses meanings and values not only in art and learning, but also in institutions and ordinary behaviour.’[2] As within many youth cultures, the subcultures of surfing can be represented by not simply a style of dressing, but also in the mind-set of the participants, building a lifestyle which is based on and around the beach. Hebidge describes subculture as ‘a reaction of subordinated groups that challenge the hegemony of the dominant culture.’[3]

To sustain their lifestyle / culture, people who surf have generally leant towards production of surfing-related commodities (sometimes as a necessity – you can’t surf without a surfboard), and, of course, retail, to buy and sell those commodities. There is also a huge culture of surfing art, as well as surf journalism. This commoditisation of surfing cannot take place without the mass consumer.

This essay aims to analyse the relation between the culture of the surfing lifestyle and surfers’ consumption of products designed for the ‘surf market’.
A Brief History of Surf Culture

To try to understand a culture, it is necessary to look closely at its history. This first section aims to cover important milestones in the history of surfing’s culture, from the late 18th to early 20th centuries, up to the 1970s and beyond, which have played a large part in the formation and emergence of subcultures. Focussing on the 50s and 60s, this essay will look at the emergence of the subcultures of surfing during these periods.
Polynesian Influence and Western Discovery

The activity of surfing was first reported to the western world via diary entries following the Pacific voyages of Captain Cook and his crews on the Resolution and Discovery. Surfing’s popularity in Hawaii decreased and almost disappeared as an activity over the next 150 years because of the way the activity was looked down upon by western religious missionaries and colonists. It must be noted that, in this era, most western cultures forbade swimming in the sea, due to its public nature and prudent citizens.

In the early 1900s, whilst almost all surfing in Hawaii had disappeared, three ‘Haoles’[4]: Jack London, George Freeth, and Alexander Hume Ford, helped to revive the activity through the formation of surf life saving clubs and literature. In 1907, George Freeth visited California and became the first lifeguard in California. At a similar time, US writer Jack London, enamoured by surfing, was inspired to write A Royal Sport: Surfing in Waikiki.
The Duke

In the early 1900s, the popularity of surfing had increased with both locals and visitors in Hawaii. Between 1915 and 1930, a Hawaiian Waterman and Olympian named Duke Kahanamoku, who had been part of the rejuvenation of surfing in Hawaii, conducted a World tour visiting beachside resorts to put on a spectacle of waterman prowess – including exhibitions in swimming and surfing. Following this world tour, certain countries embraced what they had seen - in particular Australia and the USA (especially the west coast).
USA

With the Duke’s exhibitions in the twenties, Freeth, London and Hume’s influence on surf life saving, and formation of Surf Life Saving Clubs, Californians were slowly becoming involved in surfing. People who surfed were from a wide range of backgrounds, but the individuals who made a difference, were those who embraced surfing as a part of their lives. Two Southern Californians, Doc Ball, and slightly later, Leroy Grannis, made surfing a visual reality for people, playing on its aesthetic nature by photographing the activity and publishing it in magazines and galleries.

Owing to the 2nd World War, although there were many active surfers, it was not until the fifties that surfing really became popular in California. In 1959, a film starring Sandra Dee, called ‘Gidget’ was released. It depicted a girl surfer and her gang of surfers in Malibu, California. This portrayed a style which stereotyped the ‘surfer’, a stereotype which in essence has not changed much in the past 50 years: Laid-back, scruffy-haired, clad in Hawaiian shirts and flip-flops. The film spawned spin-off surf films which played on the popularity of the image of surfing.

Picked up on by teenagers throughout coastal USA, especially in California, kids were buying surfboards and nailing them to their cars, just to be seen as surfers. Their image was more important than the activity itself. The trend or fad for the time and place was to look like a surfer, if it did not involve being able to surf or even trying to surf, it did not matter.

Hawaiian shirts, ‘baggies’ (shorts) and flip flops became the fashion, and this is where the first link to a mass consumer-driven market began. For others, however, the activity of surfing created a pastime that was not only fun, but healthy and social too. Alongside the stalwart, ‘real’ surfers on the coast, the activity was taken up by many more people ‘to the chagrin of [real] surfers suddenly having to share waves with the hordes, and to the delight of those who would create business out of surfing, ‘Gidget’ lured inland America to the beach.’[5]

The popularity of surfing reached a peak in the sixties, with mass production of surfboards, clothing, as well as the many feature length movies being made about surfing or surfers. Surf journalist Drew Kampion states: ‘None of these films captured anything remotely real about the people and the sport. But because of their success, every year there were thousands of new surfers buying boards and wetsuits.’[6]

Music also played a big part in the culture of surfing with bands such as Dick Dale and the Beach Boys having huge success and surprising longevity. This period of surfing was seen by some as a golden age, but by others as the beginning of the end of surf culture: the ‘sell-out’ to a mass commodity market.
Australia

In Australia, owing to the location of the cities on the powerful Pacific Ocean, the Duke’s exhibitions had also helped to inspire the Australian people who were soon to embrace what they had seen. Much like in California, the Surf Life Saving Club (SLSC) movement took hold and soon a large number of SLSCs opened at nearly every populated beach. Children were encouraged to join these clubs to learn to swim and compete at an early age. The SLSCs would put on exhibitions of rescues (much like those of the Duke) to demonstrate their skills. Their culture bred competitive and structured individuals: responsibility to conduct rescues and competing in lifesaving competitions with local clubs. This culture was very popular, but obviously not for everyone.

In the sixties, as the SLSC movement continued its popularity (eventually leading to professional beach lifeguarding which is a huge component of Australian beach culture today), individuals began to break away from the structure of the SLSC movement and used surfing as an activity simply for having fun.

Reporting a trip the USA lifesaving team took to Australia, Thoms states, ‘the Americans’ performances on the Malibu boards...inspired many young Australians to ignore the SLSA’s[7] demand for duty in the surf, and pursue surf for pleasure.’[8] The introduction of the ‘Malibu’ board to Australia was a turning point for the activity of surfing.
Surfboard Design

The evolution of the surfboard has had a large impact on surf culture throughout history. Surfers have always experimented with the craft that they are riding. The type of board ridden strongly influenced the style of surfing which in turn indirectly influenced the emergence of subcultures in the future. ‘Owing to its [America’s] links to aerodynamics and design, Americans Bob Simmons and Tom Blake were among a number of hugely influential people who pushed the boundaries of the shape and design of the surfboard and more importantly its fins.’[9] The fin plays an integral part in the way a surfboard functions, and its introduction gave rise to a new breed of surfboard, which was ridden in a different way, and for which the skills required changed.

The Americans had led the way until the sixties with regard to the shape of the surfboard. When the US surf lifesaving team visited in the early 50s, they rode boards,

...eight feet six inches to eleven feet [in length], [which were] constructed of balsa wood, covered in fibreglass, and had a fin centrally located at the rear of the board on the bottom underside. These surfboards were commonly known as ‘Malibus’.[10]

In contrast to the Americans, ‘...Australian surfers had mostly used the finless redwood surfboard known as the ‘Australian Racing Sixteen’, [or] ‘toothpick’. The board ranged in size from approximately fourteen to sixteen feet.’[11] These boards were designed specifically for surf lifesaving. The self-extraction of certain individuals from the SLSC culture led to them paying more of their attention to the activity of surfing, especially the design of the boards and hydrodynamics.

Following the Americans’ developments in the length of boards in the 50s, towards the late 60s, Australian board makers and surfers radically changed the length of their surfboards. Boards were chopped down to eight feet, and later even six feet in length, and fins went from large keel to raked, dorsal-like fins.

A travelling American surfer named George Greenough was instrumental in what became known as the ‘shortboard revolution’. With east coast Australian surfers and surfboard shapers such as Bob McTavish and Nat Young (1966 world surfing champion), experimentation with much shorter boards with foiled fins followed. Greenough’s input was tremendous with regard to the fin design, having spent years studying dolphins and their movements in the water / waves (see films Crystal Voyager, 1969; Dolphin Glide, 2007).

The change in design played a huge part in the style of surfing, announced by Nat Young as ‘a ‘new era’ of surfing style, with blatant changes of direction and radical manoeuvres, riding the most intense areas of the wave and chasing the curl without too much thought for aesthetics.’[12]

Alongside the change in surfing style, came different ideologies which helped form some notable subcultures within surfing. ‘Soul Surfing’ emerged during the late 60s, and many key people involved in the shortboard movement were involved in ‘communal living, country farms, vegetarianism, ritualistic inhalation of the herb [marijuana], yoga, meditation and the majestic poetry of uncrowded light and space.’[13]

The documentation of this period by photographers and film makers alike – namely George Greenough (who created a waterproof camera which he attached to himself whilst surfing), Albe Falzon (Morning of the Earth, 1972), Paul Witzig (Evolution, 1969) and many others – was instrumental in helping to develop this particular subculture. It was important because it gave the general surfing public a view of how the best surfers and innovators in the surfing world lived and introduced the art and feel of surfing to a wider public.
Surfing Subculture

Subcultures such as these are generally born out of youth dissatisfaction with the times and are embodied as a collective who take on a certain uniform / style in order to create a sense of camaraderie and membership, ‘Style is now worn for its look, not for any underlying message; or rather, the look is now the message.’[14]

Polhemus states that ‘...the surfer took a sport and transformed it into a way of life. In one sense this was a very mainstream, leisure age thing to do in the 1950’s. But in another sense it was dropping out.’[15] Kids were ditching school to go surfing and their behaviour became anti-establishment. One Australian school principal warned that ‘surfing could adversely affect boys.’[16]

Australian youth (under 21) made up ‘40% of the unemployed in 1963’[17] and much like in the UK and US, subcultures formed - ‘rocker gangs offered working-class youth solidarity against the individualism and diffuse styles of consumer capitalism adopted by the middle classes, including ‘bleached hair and fancy shorts’ worn by ‘pansy’ surfers.’ [18]

There were many confrontations between Rockers and Surfers in the early sixties, and in some extreme cases, Australian local governments were forced to close beaches and ordered screenings of surf films to be banned to avoid the territorial conflicts.

Thorne explores the subculture of surfing as a way of expressing dissatisfaction with the times: ‘The folklore of youthful surfers of this period [1960s] reflects their rebelliousness; with time and maturity, it grew to incorporate the pervasive themes of political protest, drug-use, and Thoreauian naturalism.’[19]

In Australia, when the ‘shortboard revolution’ took hold, groups of surfers went to live in the hills by the coast, sometimes in communes or farms, and lived off the land with little need for money and therefore jobs: ‘Soul surfers rejected high consumption, materialism and competition; and they expounded a form of ‘fraternal’ individualism that extolled creativity and self-expression within a co-operative environment.’[20]

The identity of a surfer is further examined in Hull’s paper:

...Surfing provides its members and the larger community [with a] well-defined identity associated with the sport. The dominance of the Protestant work ethic has meant that to date, work or occupation has been the major role through which rewards and social identity have been derived.[21]

The association with the word ‘Surfer’ for the majority of the surfing population is most definitely used as an identifier of who they are and how they live their lives, even though it is not their profession, and they do not aspire to be professionals.

Of the surfers throughout the world today (approximately 17-23 million[22]), only a handful are professionals. The professionalism of surfing began in the early 60s, and has created a subculture in itself. But not only that, it is the main route to market for surf companies to advertise and promote their products. From the semi-professional, rough-and-ready surfers of the 70s to today’s highly paid and/or sponsored, bronzed professionals endorsing a certain brand of shorts, surfboard or flip flops, the method has remained the same. This is highlighted by looking at specialist surfing magazines: there are pages and pages of advertising for Surfwear brands.

Much like the feeling towards the SLSC movement, competitions created a structure, rules and parameters in surfing. For most people, surfing was a way of expressing themselves, and who could tell them what was right or wrong? A number of surfers have, over the years, gone against the grain, challenging the norm by riding boards that are not the same as ones ridden in competitions, or not aspiring to the style of competition surfing. There are a lucky few who are paid to promote the latter lifestyle, e.g. Dave Rastovich, known as ‘freesurfers’.

Consumerism
Style as an identity

Ever since the early days of modern surfing, fashion has played a large part in the development of the subculture of surfing, giving a distinct style to individuals who are members of the fraternity:

The definition of a surfer (in a fashion sense): Used since the 1950s...refers to the distinctive dress of surfers, which has always differed from mainstream. The early surfer style incorporated Hawaiian shirts, shorts and quiff haircuts, whereas in the 90s surfers prefer the baggy style of labels such as Quiksilver, worn with Vans trainers and long messy hair.[23]

McAlexander and Schouten define a subculture of consumption as:

A distinctive subgroup of society that self-selects on the basis of a shared commitment to a particular product class, brand or consumption activity. Other characteristics of a subculture of consumption include an identifiable, hierarchical social structure; a unique ethos, or set of shared beliefs and values; and unique jargons, rituals and modes of symbolic expression.[24]

Surfers fall well within these parameters, having a common product, i.e. surf equipment and clothing, a fundamentally common philosophy (although there are a number of subcultures in surfing, with different outlooks), a strange language that only members can understand, and a familiar way of expressing themselves – through their surfing and dressing style.

Stephen Hull reiterates this,

The identity producing potential of the surfing subculture is very substantial. It provides a homogeneous population segment, a clearly recognizable culture, easily identifiable roles, a stratified status system based on moral character traits similar to those pervasive among the middle and upper-middle classes in the larger community, and it is an activity that provides immediate gratification of physiological, emotional, and social needs.[25]

Style, when looked at in terms of the activity, is derived from the equipment ridden, and the style of the clothing of surfing draws on individual innovations that have popularised particular styles or brands that promote or represent the lifestyle of surfing.

Ormrod suggests that surfing is ‘...predicated on consumerism. It is the romantic aspect of consumerism that is crucial here: consumerism is based upon desire and the possibility of achieving the perfect life through buying and consuming objects or experiences.’[26] What is not brought into question here is the issue of disposable income. To purchase branded clothing that may suggest membership of a subculture, one needs money. Those surfers who do not have much disposable income, or consciously choose not to spend what they do have, on such clothing, are obviously not ‘buying into’ the lifestyle.

Surfing today is a multi-million pound industry formed off the back of the rise of its popularity in the early days of what we can call modern surfing. Professionalism took a prominent place in surfing in the late 1960s. The media became heavily involved, initially pushing the need to document competitions, which led to a massive sponsorship-driven world championship tour (WCT). Sponsorship is provided by giant companies in the surf market who themselves started out as small businesses in the early days. This industry is driven by three main firms – Quiksilver, O’Neill, and Rip Curl – born in the early days of modern surfing, in Australia or America, in response to a need or demand from the founders themselves or fellow surfers.

In 1952, Jack O’Neill, an American surfer, came across neoprene in the carpeting of a passenger plane. It proved to be the perfect material for keeping the body warm in cold water. This discovery led to his invention of the neoprene wetsuit, one of the items guaranteed in a surfer’s garage. Jack O’Neill increased the scope of surfing globally with this invention: before the wetsuit, surfers experimented with wearing woolly jumpers or other impractical and restrictive items of clothing to keep warm in the water. Without wetsuits, surfing would be impossible during the winter in cold climates. Even during the summer, it is sometimes necessary to wear a wetsuit to stay in for an extended period of time.

Quiksilver was formed in 1970 by two Australian surfers, Alan Green and John Law, when they started ripping apart baggy shorts and putting in more flexible, lighter material. This was an innovation for the surf industry, not only because of the functionality of the shorts, but they became what all surfers wore; a fashion statement. Quiksilver soon conquered the market in Australia, creating other types of clothing and surf related gear, with products as diverse as golfing. Quiksilver now have a reach unrivalled by any other surf company, supporting over 500 shops worldwide[27].

Rip Curl began as a garage outfit selling surfboards in Torquay, Victoria, Australia. Operated by two surfers, Doug Warbrick and Brian Singer, they soon ‘branched out beyond the surf market to produce ‘lifestyle oriented apparel’’[28] that did not simply relate to surfing lifestyle, but clothing for the snow too.

The global reach of the surfwear market, goes further than coastal towns and cities. Parallels between the activities of surfing, snowboarding, skiing and skateboarding are apparent in the flow, feeling, and individualistic aspects of each. Nearly all Surfwear companies have a snow and skate range which extends their reach inland to the mountains and the cities to make up a large part of their sales.

Discussing subcultures of consumerism, McAlexander and Schouten state: ‘A subculture typically encounters in certain products or activities cultural meanings that ultimately become articulated as unique, homologous styles or ideologies of consumption.’[29]

Adcock et al supports this with two components of branding that the top competitors in the surf market have got right:

Brand Beliefs – qualities attributed to a brand as perceived by potential customers, perhaps concerning the reliability or the efficacy of the brand. Such beliefs can be developed through effective promotion as much through experience, use and knowledge; and Brand Associations – this is anything that is directly or indirectly linked to the brand in the mind of the customer. For instance, the type of people using an item could enhance its brand image.[30]
Conclusion

Surfing has always been accompanied by style. There are obvious links between the media, mass production and popularity that have formed what we know as surfing style today.

In the years when surfing’s popularity grew from 2000 participants in California in the early 50s, to 3 million in the mid-60s, consumption played a great part in the formation of some of the subcultures discussed within this essay. But it should be noted that during those times, consumption played a huge part in the formation of nearly all modern cultures and subcultures, because of the post-war wealth and introduction of mass-production to the USA, which permeated throughout the western world.

To say that the surfing subcultures are products of consumption does not do justice to the millions of surfers in the world that do not follow the trends, wear the same clothes, ride the same boards, or act as the stereotypical ‘surfer’ should act. Over the years, it can be said that there have always been many people who assume the ‘stereotype’ of a surfer – choosing to wear the large surfwear brands’ clothing, grow their hair, speak, or behave in a certain way – but to say that they all have a common belief in the essence of surfing culture is not true, because many may not partake in the activity of surfing, where a true surfer’s individualism is expressed.

The multi-million dollar surf industry may be ‘controlled’ by a small number of companies who seem to define what surfing culture is about, through proving that they are still connected to the roots of surfing. And in some ways they are: they sponsor the professional tournaments and competitors and promote healthy living, donate to charities to try to extend the life of our beaches, seas and wildlife, but in the end they are businesses, where the bottom line is money.
The paradox of surfing style is much like any other fashion: initially created by individualistically motivated people, a fashion becomes popular, adopted by the masses, and any symbolism that was once embodied by clothing is lost to a market driven by economics.[31]

[1] Hamilton, B., in Kampion, D., ‘Up a Lazy River with Bill Hamilton’ The Surfers Journal, (Spring 2000), p.79-81

[2] Williams, R., The Long Revolution, London: Chatto and Windus, 1961

[3] Hebdige, D., Subculture in the meaning of style, Menthuen & Co, London, 1979

[4] “Haole” = non-indigenous Hawaiian

[5] Gabbard, A., Girl in the Curl: a century of women's surfing. Seattle, WA: Seal Press. (2000)

[6] Kampion, D., Stoked: a history of surf culture. Santa Monica, CA: General Publishing Group Inc. (1997)

[7] Surf Life Saving Association

[8] Thoms, A., Surfmovies: the history of the surf film in Australia. Noosa Heads: Shore Thing Publishing (2000)

[9] Scott, P., Australian Surfing Magazines: The First Wave (1961-1962), presented to the Journalism Education Conference, Griffith University, 29 November – 2 December 2005

[10] Scott, Australian Surfing Magazines: The First Wave (1961-1962)

[11] Scott, Australian Surfing Magazines: The First Wave (1961-1962)

[12] Booth, D., Australian Beach Culture – The History of Sun, Sand and Surf, Frank Cass: London (2001)

[13] Lovelock, D., ‘Cult History’, Tracks (April 1995), p.114

[14] Muggleton,D., (1998) ‘The post-subculturalist’, in S.Redhead, D. Wynne, and J. O’Connor (eds), The Clubcultures Reader: Readings in Popular Cultural Studies, Oxford: Blackwell:176

[15] Polhemus, T., Street Style, London, Thames and Hudson (1994) 48

[16] Booth, Australian Beach Culture – The History of Sun, Sand and Surf, (2001)

[17] Booth, Australian Beach Culture – The History of Sun, Sand and Surf, (2001)

[18] Booth, Australian Beach Culture – The History of Sun, Sand and Surf, (2001)

[19] Thorne, T, Legends of the Surfer Subculture: Part Two, Western Folklore, Western States Folklore Society, (1976)

[20] Booth, Australian Beach Culture – The History of Sun, Sand and Surf (2001)
[21] Hull, S.W., A Sociological Study of Surfing Subculture in the Santa Cruz Area: A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Department of Sociology San Jose State University (1976)

[22] Frazier, B., Better Surfing Comes with Property Rights, The Future of Freedom Foundation, http://www.fff.org/freedom/fd0607f.asp, posted November 1, 2007

[23] De la Haye, A., & Dingwall, C., Surfers, Soulies, Skinheads and Skaters – Subcultural style from the 40s to the 90s, London: Victoria & Albert Museum (1997)

[24] McAlexander, J.H., & Schouten, J.W., ‘Subcultures of Consumption: An Ethnography of the New Bikers’, The Journal of Consumer Research., University of Chicago Press (1995)

[25] Hull, S.W., A Sociological Study of the Surfing Subculture in the Santa Cruz Area (1976)
[26] Ormrod, J., Endless Summer (1964): Consuming Waves and Surfing the Frontier, Film & History: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Film and Television Studies 35.1 (2005) 39-51

[27] Quiksilver Inc. Annual Report 2006 http://www.quiksilverinc.com/AnnualReports/Quiksilver_Annual_Report_2006.pdf

[28] Muldowney, S., Surf’s Up, Australian CPA, 72:9, p30 (2002)

[29] McAlexander & Schouten., ‘Subcultures of Consumption: An Ethnography of the New Bikers’ (1995)

[30] Adcock, D,, Halborg, D., & Ross, C., Marketing Principles and Practice (4th Ed.) Pearson Education: UK (2001)

[31] Crockett, D., Surf Author and Journalist, Private correspondence, November 2007

The Mobile Generation

How great an impact has mobile technology had on society, particularly the education and business spaces, and how is each likely to change the other in the future?'

Today we rely heavily on the use of mobile technology. Being ‘connected’ is a large part of contemporary society. With families and businesses nearly always being able to reach one another, mobile devices have become a fundamental article in most of the world’s citizens’ pockets.

This essay looks briefly at the development of mobile technologies over the past twenty years, studying their influence on modern society, particularly on the business environment, where businesses have been forced to adapt to changes in society caused by the evolution of mobile technology.

Education has also been greatly affected by the popularisation of mobile technology, and this essay will examine the subsequent pedagogical changes and educational uses of mobile technology which are likely to have an impact on the employers of future generations: those ‘pipeline’ employees who are currently in education or pre-education.

An early example of mobile technology is the pager. Designed in the 1950s to enable colleague-to-colleague communication with doctors, in the 90s pagers were more popular than mobile phones as they were economically accessible and easy to carry around (being smaller than a cigarette packet). Engineers and emergency services still use pagers because of their dependability compared to that of the mobile networks.

Before the 1990s, mobile phones were available to the public, but they were expensive, cumbersome and usually only owned by young rich businessmen with disposable income. Owing to their relatively large size, they were mainly used as car phones, or carried around inside a briefcase. The calls were expensive and the handset technology was primitive and temperamental.

The further development of digital technology and the miniaturisation of components enabled mobile phone manufacturers to effectively scale down the handset size. By the mid-90s, mobile phones, although still much larger than they are today, were small enough to be carried in a pocket or handbag.

Mobile phones were desirable by business users and consumers, but until the late 90s providers of mobile networks offered prohibitively expensive rates to make and received calls. As the tariff prices went down, the popularity of mobile phones rose and it became normal to have a mobile phone to keep in touch with friends and family. Businessmen and -women found mobile phones extremely useful as the benefits included being able to have two or three telephone numbers and being able to conduct business on long journeys, which would otherwise be ‘downtime’. Roos discusses this aspect of being mobile, ‘the mobile phone allows for almost complete mobility with simultaneous availability, i.e. the person is in actual reality highly mobile and virtually fixed.’[1]

By the turn of the millennium, there were 750 million[2] people globally using mobile phones and popularity has continued to increase rapidly, reaching 1.5bn[3] in 2004. Today, there are enough mobile phones in circulation for half the world’s population (3.3bn[4]) (some people own more than one device), supported by network coverage of up to 80% of the world. In the UK today, there are more mobile phones than people. Being ‘connected’ is a normality, that society does not think it can be without.

Increased functionality on phones has become a selling point for a number of manufacturers. Elements such as SMS (Short Message Service) have become standard on mobile phones today. SMS, or text-messaging, has become one of the most popular media for communication among young people. Taylor and Harper (2001) in their study of UK school children found them to ‘only use voice conversations when making calls to adult family members as opposed to almost exclusively text-messaging their peers.’[5] In many cases, the mass use of text-messaging denotes a change in societal norms for communication, which is highlighted by Eldridge and Grinter (2001):

One burgeoning use of mobile telephony is non-essential communication, seen by some commentators as a form of 'social grooming', with young people in particular using mobile telephones and messaging services for a variety of social interactions-often for ostensibly trivial but socially significant purposes.[6]

In juxtaposition to SMS usage, young people heavily use instant messaging (IM) to communicate when they are at their PCs. When mobile devices have seamless connection to the internet and IM clients are fully and well supported by the devices, it is a fair assumption that young people will tend to use handheld devices for all their communication needs.

Mobile internet communications, which first operated through WAP (wireless application protocol), began as a slow, expensive, temperamental and limited internet service provided by networks in the early 00s, but subsequently developed to such an extent that the world wide web is now available at fairly low costs from a mobile handset. The current technology used to access WAP is GPRS (General Packet Radio Service), which is available on GSM[7] phones and is faster and more reliable. Some phones allow connection via Wi-Fi to wireless networks. As the content available through this medium is now the same as the internet’s, issues such as viewing a page designed for a 12” screen on a 2.4” screen have concerned and motivated web developers to build web pages specifically designed to enable users to have the same experience on their mobile phone as on their PC. Speaking further about the concept of being mobile, Roos suggests, ‘when this is combined with constant connectedness to the Internet one can really talk of being in the centre of a web, operating a communications centre wherever one is.’[8] Being able to browse the internet whilst on the move is a benefit of mobile technology that would not have been thought of as little as 10 years ago, when the internet became popular. In terms of enhancing business, users are able to use the mobile internet to access web pages, which are increasingly becoming a primary information source, when on the move.

What began as a ‘nice-to-have’ additional feature, the camera in a phone (c.2002) has led to phone manufacturers incorporating functionality that enables life on the move. Extra functionality includes cameras, mp3 music players, internet browsers, video players, organisers and email retrievers. Handset manufacturers are in competition with each other to release the handset with the best value-added functions. Following their unprecedented success with the iPod mp3 and video players, the addition of Apple’s recent and hugely popular iPhone to the handset market in 2007 set the bar high, incorporating sleek and stylish design with touch-screen functionality as the only way to navigate the phone – (i.e. no buttons).

The sociological effects of having numerous functions available on one device are tremendous. People can access any information wherever they are in the world, listen to unlimited music tracks, take snapshots or movies, or manage a business, all with one device. With today’s web 2.0 social media elements including Flickr and You Tube, anyone with a mobile device can become a photojournalist or filmmaker. With technology ever changing and evolving, society will continue to adapt to harness these changes. We have seen such a vast impact in recent years in the adoption of communication media such as text- and instant-messaging, and the social web (e.g. Facebook), that the future will undoubtedly explore new territory. Looking at the trends, it is likely that this future will be mobile based.

The invention of Personal Device Assistants (PDAs) led to technological advancements that enabled people to read, edit and create word-processed and spreadsheet documents and access emails on-the-move. Today many businesses provide their employees with BlackBerries to keep them connected. This is especially useful when employees are out of the office or on the road.

The BlackBerry, shortly after its introduction in 1999, was dubbed ‘Crackberry’ owing to their addictive qualities. Anyone who has used one, or has been in the presence of someone using one, will know that it is very hard not to check a new email, even well outside work hours. Why people feel the need to check their emails late at night could simply be because there is the visible notification in the red LED flashing, or could go deeper, in that they want to feel important and feel their opinion or authority is required. This has ultimately changed the way that people work: ‘downtime’ becomes productive time, play time becomes work time. This can, however, be a strain on friends and family, as time spent together can be interrupted at any point by a red flash or buzz. Roos highlights the positives of being permanently connected:

[Mobile technologies] make possible a much more efficient time use, being able to fill the otherwise 'wasted' waiting times by work or social contacts. It also frees people to combine [different] activities ... Thus, for most users, a mobile telephone is a working tool which greatly facilitates and increases efficiency.[9]

People are able to email on the train on their way home and avoid having to do work when they can be spending time with their family or friends. This raises the question of whether ‘flexible’ work patterns have become the norm, or if employees today have increased workloads. Does the 9am-5pm working day still exist? Has work time become more flexible owing to the increasing means and modes of communication that have added ‘white noise’ to much of the work environment, thereby increasing the number of hours spend doing ultimately non-productive work? Boundaries between work time and leisure time have become increasingly blurred and the work ethic has moved away from its 9am-5pm roots and is becoming more and more flexible. Many companies in today’s technologically driven business world are able to provide flexibility to employees to enable them to spend time with their families, look after young children, or live in another part of the country, or even another part of the world.

Many businesses have replaced fixed desktop PCs in a central office HQ with laptops that the employees can take home with them. Employees are able to work at home if there is something urgent to attend to there (e.g. deliveries or sick partners / children) and remain able to work, being fully connected to their company’s network. In the same way, employees with families are able to benefit from remote working, providing them with the opportunity to log on and off throughout the day around their own timetable.

Although not a direct impact of the technology that enables it, but the societal and work-based changes it has affected, remote – or ‘mobile’ – working can, however, be detrimental to businesses productivity. In many cases, it is essential to have a number of face-to-face hours with managers and colleagues. Not being able to reach a colleague who is not in the office, but is working remotely can be frustrating and can cause projects to slip owing to lack of available decision-makers. Some people find it difficult communicating via email or telephone as opposed to face-to-face. Certain elements of business will need to continue to be conducted in-person owing to the sensitive approach required, e.g. HR, personal development, etc.

This face-to-face time is also becoming more prevalent in education where shifts toward the personal, collaborative and interactive are taking place. Built on sharing and collaboration, two key changes that are taking place in education, personalising learning is becoming a very important element of a school system which, for generations, has remained fundamentally the same. Personalised learning involves the teacher and learner discussing, agreeing on, and setting specific goals for the student to work towards. The era of ‘cramming’ information into learners’ minds with the hope that they remember it for a final exam could soon be over. Assessment will be an ongoing process enabling the teacher and learner to collaborate on the goals and change them if need be. These changes, including personalised learning accounts are highlighted in Government policy[10].

School children today may not have known life without mobile phones, but their knowledge of mobile technology, in some cases, far outweighs that of their teachers. Young people of today are ‘native’ users of technology, which some teachers find increasingly hard to understand. ‘Technology is deeply entrenched in most teens’ lives. But, this may also mean that today’s GenTechs[11] may be tomorrow’s technological leaders, pushing the country toward innovation.’[12] In the UK, nearly all students have mobile phones, PDAs, Smartphones or MP3 players. These mobile technologies permit the approach to teaching to shift towards the mobile. Whether or not this is taken up by both teachers and students is another question.

The changes are emphasised by Bernie Zackary, Head of Pedagogical Frameworks, BECTA: 'The education process is actually shifting outside of the classroom. There is potential here for a cultural change in the way that society views education.'[13]

Virtual Learning Environments (VLEs) enable learners and teachers alike to devise work plans, schedules, and assignments in a password-protected virtual space that can be accessed from anywhere. Learners are able to log in and view assignments that have been set and complete and submit pieces of work to their teacher or supervisor. This facilitates the learner to work at their own pace in what they are interested in. Selwyn reiterates this,

The traditional notion of the student/subject as passive consumer of information and knowledge in school is replaced by autonomous, dynamic and free-roaming individuals forming harmonious communities and intelligent collectives of learners unfettered by constraints of time or distance[14]

Teachers and students working with mobile devices has yet to become a common practice in schools, but there have been various studies in which universities and schools have piloted the use of PDAs for each student to enable a more interactive and socially collaborative learning experience[15]. ‘The most immediate social effect of mobile telecommunications technologies is their ability to increase the intensity and widen the scope of interaction.’[16]

Brian Heavisides, Headteacher at Redhill School, Dudley, where PDAs have been put in the hands of all pupils and teachers from KS2 upwards, talks of the period as an 'exciting stage where we can inform children of how they are doing, provide the suitable tools which they can select for their own personal learning style, and we can monitor, support, and assess as we go along.’[17]

Providing PDAs or laptops to all students in the country evidently implies an economic strain. However, with progress in the areas that are already using the mobile technology, good practice and findings can be shared, and it would be sensible for potential funders to pay attention. Businesses could easily support future funding, viewing it as a win-win in terms of routes to market as well as pipelining students as the next generation of business leaders.

Steve Molyneux, an expert in learning technologies, envisions,

...a future in which everyone will have an electronic personal learning associate. This device will be portable, and as convenient to use as a mobile phone, assemble learning or mentor presentations on demand and in real time – providing quality learning opportunities anytime, anywhere...tailored to the needs, capabilities, intentions, and learning state of the individual or group of individuals using the device. Communication with the personal learning associate will be via a two-way natural language interface.[18]

Market trends and the rapid development of technology will undoubtedly ensure that the cost of manufacture will go down, and the opportunity for schools, areas, and local businesses will hopefully be able to afford to provide the technology that is required.

As part of the Government’s soon to be launched 14-19 diplomas, the IT Diploma has been developed alongside employers working with schools and sector skills councils to create business-focussed delivery materials. Various levels of the diploma cover learning the potential of technology and the use of technology in the workplace. This includes understanding elements of technology, organisational processes, professional development, creating technology solutions, multimedia and digital projects, making projects successful, and managing technology systems.[19]

Large companies, including Vodafone, understand the need for, and are already working closely with schools to encourage the collaboration and interaction between students, schools and business mentioned in the previous section.

In order to compete in the global economy, UK companies urgently need more young people to understand technology in business. The Diploma represents a significant step in the right direction. The content and delivery of the Diploma will help to develop young people both for demanding university courses and rewarding, flexible careers.[20]

In this new qualifications framework, government mandate dictates that it is a joint responsibility for both schools and businesses to try to encourage not only collaboration between institutions, but to make sure that the learners are involved too, from site visits to offering work experience. The ’14-19 Education and Skills Implementation plan’, from the Department for Education and Skills (now Department for Innovation, Universities and Skills and Department for Children, Schools and Families) published in December 2005, states that:


Local authorities and the LSC [Learning and Skills Council] will be under a duty to co-operate with one another as they discharge their duties, so that there is coherence in the provision across the full 14-19 age range. This duty will underpin the creation and strengthening in all areas of 14-19 partnerships, which already exist in many areas. Partnerships, convened by the Local Authority and the LSC, will need to include schools, colleges, training providers and employers, but each area will need to decide the detailed composition of the partnership itself.[21]

Future members of the business workforce are bound to have an impact on the way businesses operate. Today’s young, ‘mobile generation’ (Generation Y) interact differently to the current working generation (Generation X), in many cases using technology as a preferred medium, and they learn and work in a different way. A generation of users that exploit ICT, from mobile devices to social networking to software packages, will be prepared for the future use of technology in the workplace, much more than those that have joined the workforce in the past, who simply use ICT.

Can the future be predicted accurately enough to know how the future generations may behave in a work environment and how much the workplace may need to adapt to receive them? Pupils learn what they want, when they want. Excluded pupils log in to VLEs and work on projects collaboratively or individually with remote tutors. If pupils are used to working on what they want when they want, how will they respond to the traditional 9-5 working culture? Perhaps the future working generation will be better prepared because they are the so-called ‘information generation’, used to 24-hour multi-tasking and constant communication.

It is changes like these that will impact most on businesses because a technology generation gap in the workplace can have a negative impact on productivity. Working practices will no doubt change. When will the fully virtual organisation really happen? In order for the business world to predict the changes, working closely with education now and continuing involvement will allow businesses to adapt to the learners’ standards, norms and methods of learning / working.

Mobile technology’s impact thus far has been enormous, transforming the way business, education and society operates – re-writing cultural norms. What will decide the business leaders and education of the future will be those that are fully able to appreciate, understand and focus on the impacts that technology can have on one another. Those that adopt new technology and exploit its functionality will be those that succeed in a fast-paced world where both technology and future generations are becoming increasingly sophisticated and reliant on each other.

[1] Roos. J.P., (2001) Postmodernity and mobile communications. Paper presented to the 5th European Sociological Association Conference, University of Helsinki; Finland, August.

[2] Garfield, L., Mobile phone usage doubles since 2000, but growth to slow, http://www.infosyncworld.com/news/n/5636.html, December 2004

[3] Garfield, L., Mobile phone usage doubles since 2000, but growth to slow, http://www.infosyncworld.com/news/n/5636.html, December 2004
[4] Global cellphone penetration reaches 50 %, Thu Nov 29, 2007, http://investing.reuters.co.uk/news/articleinvesting.aspx?type=media&storyID=nL29172095

[5] Taylor, A., & Harper, R., (2001) Talking activity: young people and mobile phones. Paper presented to Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems: Seattle; WA, April.

[6] Eldridge, M., & Grinter, R., (2001) Studying text messaging in teenagers. Paper presented to the Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems, Seattle, WA, April.

[7] GSM: originally from Groupe Spécial Mobile, GSM (Global System for Mobile communications) is an open, digital cellular technology used for transmitting mobile voice and data services. GSM differs from first generation wireless systems in that it uses digital technology and time division multiple access transmission methods - http://www.gsmworld.com/technology/what.shtml

GSM is the most popular standard for mobile phones in the world. GSM Association, estimates that 82% of the global mobile market uses the standard - http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gsm

[8] Roos. J.P., (2001) Postmodernity and mobile communications. Paper presented to the 5th European Sociological Association Conference, University of Helsinki; Finland, August.

[9] Roos, J.P., (1993), 300,000 yuppies? Mobile phones in Finland. Telecommunications Policy, 17(6), pp. 446-456.

[10] White Paper – ‘Every Child Matters’ – Department for Education and Skills, 2004

[11] GenTech – the technology generation

[12] Fawkes, P., GenTech: Hey, The Kids Are Ok!, http://www.psfk.com/2006/06/gentech_hey_the.html, June 2006

[13] Zakary, B. in Secondary ICT - Personalised Learning with ICT 3, (video) March 2005, http://www.teachers.tv/video/169

[14] Selwyn, N., (2003) Schooling the Mobile Generation: The Future for Schools in the Mobile Networked Society

[15] John Traxler, Learning and Teaching Research Fellow, Mobile Learning, http://www.learninglab.org.uk - see appendix 1 for list of institutions.

[16] Selwyn, N., (2003) Schooling the Mobile Generation: The Future for Schools in the Mobile Networked Society, British Journal of Sociology of Education, Vol. 24, No. 2. (April 2003), pp. 131-144.
[17] Heaviside, B. in Secondary ICT - Personalised Learning with ICT 3, (video) March 2005, http://www.teachers.tv/video/169

[18] Molyneux, S., The Future of Learning, Learning Lab Journal, Summer 2002

[19] Criteria for the Specialised Diploma Qualifications in Information Technology at Levels 1, 2 and 3, QCA, November 2006

[20] Andy Hill, Head of Resourcing at Vodafone and a member of the Diploma Development Partnership, in e-skills UK’s Diploma in IT General Leaflet, September 2007

[21] DfES ’14-19 Education and Skills Implementation plan’ December 2005 p 46.